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California’s decision to end single-family suburban zoning is doubling property prices almost overnight, according to the New York Times.

The decision to end single-family zoning was made to help provide lower-cost housing for millions of Americans and migrants.

But the result is that many adult Americans now cannot afford to live in the roomy suburban houses that were built decades ago for their middle-class American parents and their expanding families.

Democrats in Virginia, Minnesota, Maryland, and other states are also pushing to de-zone suburbia.

The de-zoning price-spike was described in a New York Times article about a Californian who buys, remodels, and flips single-family suburban houses into multi-family dwellings:

His company bought 5120 Baxter Street for $700,000. He estimates the house would rent for $3,300 a month with a few renovations. Instead he spent about $400,000 building the new units and splitting the house, and believes he will get between $9,000 and $10,000 a month in rent across the property.

That return would increase the property’s value to about $1.7 million. The price would be galling to an aspiring homeowner who might have outbid another family before losing to Mr. Spicer and now feels cheated out of the American dream.

The lure of greater rental income is forcing families to compete with Wall Street investors, the article notes:

“My biggest fear is developers are pricing everybody out of the market,” said Pattie Estrada, a 59-year-old commercial loan processor.

The article is titled: “Where the Suburbs End: A single-family home from the 1950s is now a rental complex and a vision of California’s future.”

The state’s historic decision to break suburbia comes after millions of legal and illegal immigrants were invited by the federal government into California’s housing market, despite deep but disorganized public opposition.

That chaotic migrant inflow pushed house prices far above average wages, even as it also forced down wages for white-collar and blue-collar Americans. The economic squeeze has created huge economic incentives for developers and politicians to shove Americans back into the cramped yet expensive urban housing that their grandparents escaped in the 1950s.

“The take-home point is immigration has added 80 million people to the United States in the last 50 years,” said Steven Camarota, the research director for the Center for Immigration Studies. “Of course it has enormous consequences for housing affordability,” he said, adding

There are big winners from all this from all this population growth in these urban areas. One of the big winners is landlords, including corporate landlords.

But there’s no question that California housing is increasingly unaffordable [for families] and the cost per square foot is way up relative to average wages. So housing is just way less affordable, and the ability of people to trade up or even to buy their first home is being affected.

Migration has also stalled California salaries. For example, mid-income wages in California rose just 2.9 percent in 21 years — or roughly 0.1 percent per year — according to the establishment-funded Population Reference Bureau. During the same period, the Dow Jones index grew 100 times faster because of higher corporate profits.

Reporters and analysts have downplayed the burden of higher housing prices, Camarota said, adding:

Whenever people talk about the consequences of immigration in the establishment media, it’s always in the context of how great it is. It drives down wages, but they never say it that way. “It holds costs down for consumers” is the way it’s presented. They don’t ever say “It make houses unaffordable.” They say “It increases equity.”

The same New York Times author described the expanding housing squalor in an August 2020 article about poor migrants trying to live near to their service-sector jobs in Silicon Valley during the coronavirus crash:

There were 12 people in three bedrooms, with a bathroom whose door frequently required a knock and a kitchen where dinnertime shifts extended from 5 p.m. well into the evening.

Karla Lorenzo, a Guatemalan immigrant who cleaned houses in San Francisco and Silicon Valley, lived in the big room along the driveway. Big is a relative term when a room has five people in it. She and her partner, Abel, slept in a queen-size bed along the wall. There was a crib for the baby at the foot, with the older children’s bunk bed next to that. The other housemates had similar layouts.

Now comes a second struggle: figuring out how to pay rent. Abel is back at work at a home supply store, but Ms. Lorenzo’s housecleaning jobs dried up and one of the other families moved out — increasing the monthly bill by $850. “We don’t know how we are going to do it,” she said. reported from rural California on October 13:

Sandra Garcia, 65, who lives with her son and his family in an unincorporated community near Porterville, in Tulare County, told CalMatters she is about $3,000 behind on rent.

She said she tried to apply for rent relief last April, but a case manager at a local nonprofit told her that without pay stubs to prove a loss of income, she would be unable to qualify. Garcia explained she had been laid off from her farmworker job — “the oldest ones were among the first to be let go,” she said in Spanish — so she had no pay stubs.

Besides, Garcia said, many landlords in rural towns like hers are struggling to stay afloat. “They’re just as poor as us,” she said. “They don’t want to end up in court in case they’re the ones who are sued. And they don’t want to waste their time, either, with something that isn’t even going to help.”

Nationwide, migration is deeply unpopular because of its economic impact. It damages ordinary Americans’ career opportunities, cuts their wages, raises their rents, curbs their productivity, shrinks their political clout, widens regional wealth gaps, and wrecks their democratic, equality-promoting civic culture.

For many years, a wide variety of pollsters have shown deep and broad opposition to labor migration and the inflow of temporary contract workers into jobs sought by young U.S. graduates. This pocketbook opposition is multiracial, cross-sex, non-racist, class-based, bipartisan,  rational, persistent, and recognizes the solidarity that Americans owe to each other.

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Unsolved mystery: What does Kyrsten Sinema want?

(CNN)Give Arizona Sen. Kyrsten Sinema some credit. She has the courage to stand up for her convictions in the face of overwhelming pressure.

But send us an email if you can figure out what her convictions are. Nobody else can figure it out and she's not telling. This could scuttle President Joe Biden's entire legislative agenda.He'll be asked how to get things done in a 50-50 Senate when he can't marshal his own party during a CNN town hall Thursday night.
    What does Sinema NOT want to happen? There's a long list that's seeped out into the ether:
      Don't tax the wealthy. She doesn't want to increase the marginal income tax rate on the wealthiest individuals or roll back President Trump's permanent tax cuts for corporations -- two Democratic priorities that share wide public appeal. Read MoreThat means Democrats don't have enough money to fund their promises for a more generous society. They're scrambling to find new options to pay for their plans.RELATED: Liberal backlash against Sinema grows on Capitol Hill as potential Arizona challenger emergesDon't end the filibuster. She opposes ending the filibuster, but Republicans refuse to work on Biden's priorities, which means the Democratic agenda is stuck unless she comes around.Don't necessarily expand the social safety net. Democrats' dreams of universal pre-K, subsidized community college, a poverty-erasing child tax credit and a climate change-fighting requirement for electricity providers now rest on her shoulders. She's said she won't vote for anything until a smaller, bipartisan infrastructure bill passes, too. It's stuck in the House, where leaders say they won't allow a vote on the smaller bill until the large one passes the Senate.Sinema's list of dislikes, without a constructive and public list of alternatives, is turning even some supporters off. Advisers resign in protest. When veterans who had been voluntarily advising her wrote a scathing letter accusing her of obstruction, she thanked them for their service, but didn't answer their gripe.Liberal turned moderate. The Arizona Democrat -- a former Green Party anti-war activist turned stubborn moderate -- has now been all over the American political map.In the 50-50 Senate, she holds incredible power.It's "living under the tyranny of Senator Sinema," according to Rep. Ritchie Torres, a progressive from New York. "She's all over the place and I'm not sure she knows what she wants," said Rep. Jimmy Gomez, a California Democrat, during an appearance on CNN Thursday."Nobody knows what she is thinking because she doesn't tell anybody anything. It's very sad to think that someone who you worked for that hard to get elected is not even willing to listen," Sylvia González Andersh, one of the veterans who resigned in protest as Sinema's adviser, told The New York Times.Joe Manchin's desires. I've written more about Manchin in this space in part because he has been quite public about his desires.Manchin told Democrats to pick one of their social programs rather than push through three. He's opposed the climate change portion of their spending plan because he represents the coal state of West Virginia. He'd like a work requirement for the big child tax credit that's meant to erase child poverty."Don't you think, if we're going to help the children, that the people should make some effort?" he said in a September appearance on CNN's "State of the Union."RELATED: Joe Manchin wants to add a work requirement to the child tax credit. Here's what that would do.People can debate the merits of that position because they know what Manchin's position is.What could get Sinema's support for lower drug prices? A good example of the shroud around Sinema's thinking is the issue of prescription drug prices. Both parties want to lower them. Democrats want to do it by giving Medicare the power to negotiate with pharmaceutical companies.Big Pharma says taking less money from Medicare would stifle innovation. Manchin is, improbably but incredibly, aligned with Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders on the issue. But Sinema backs the pharmaceutical industry on this one. Why? It's not entirely clear.Rep. Scott Peters, the California Democrat, has become something of a champion of the pharmaceutical industry in opposing the Democrats' proposal. He argues that the government paying pharmaceutical companies less for drugs could stifle innovation at those companies. And he's up front that there are large numbers of pharmaceutical jobs in his San Diego area district. He also has a middle ground proposal to limit the number of drugs that could be negotiated and the amount prices could be dropped.Sinema, to my knowledge, hasn't made any arguments at all to justify her opposition, and in fact, she's argued in the past that she'd work to lower drug prices. Her office told Politico she's "carefully reviewing various proposals."She has taken hundreds of thousands of dollars in campaign contributions from PACs and individuals tied to the pharmaceutical industry. That sounds like a lot, but it's less than many Democrats ready to vote for the plan.The other reason to lower prescription drug prices and raise taxes. Lowering the cost of prescription drugs is an important campaign promise by Democrats (Republicans have also failed to deliver on it), but it's also a key piece of their effort to enact new social programs. They need to save the government hundreds of billions in Medicare drug costs if they want to spend hundreds of billions on universal pre-K.Making matters worse for Democrats is that in addition to her opposition to giving Medicare the ability to negotiate drug prices, she also opposes raising corporate tax rates that were permanently slashed by the Trump administration. Will Sinema back Democrats' voting bill? Democrats are also pushing a plan to protect voting rights by setting a baseline for state election laws.
        Manchin, who also opposes ending the filibuster, was instrumental in writing the voting rights proposal. His party hopes the obstruction by Republicans this week will convince him to make a filibuster exception in this one case.

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